
Senate
Chris Coons (i) vs. Jess Scarane
Ugh, Chris Coons. The worst. The absolute worst. “The GOP’s favorite Democrat.” A fawning fan of the filibuster. An unyielding opponent of Medicare for All and the Green New Deal. Jeff Flake’s best friend. An undying believer in compromise with Trump’s Republican Party. A consistent supporter of the Republican takeover of the federal judiciary, even when the Republican judicial nominees aren’t sure if Brown v. Board was decided correctly. A potential Secretary of State under Joe Biden. (And, of course, itching to get us into a war.)
Ew.
Unfortunately, Delaware has largely escaped national attention, despite the implications of a Coons loss, and despite the presence of a strong progressive challenger in Jess Scarane, a strong supporter of left-wing priorities big and small--the kind of senator a blue state like Delaware deserves.
The Working Families Party has put about $68,000 behind digital ads supporting Scarane, but one would think a US Senate seat--one which, due to Delaware’s small size, requires the same level of investment as a House seat--would get more attention from the national left. (Apparently not.) Coons is, as a result, a strong favorite; Scarane would be a great senator, but the total lack of outside help is going to make things very difficult.
Unlike Carper in 2018, Coons is taking this race deadly seriously. He’s spent almost a million dollars on it in July and August, and likely a significant amount in September too. That total includes at least $400,000 on TV ads, $100,000 on internet ads, and $140,000 on mailers, all in a pretty small state. The Scarane campaign hasn’t even raised $400,000 total. Their plan was probably an aggressive volunteer field operation like Delaware progressives have used before, but, well, the coronavirus happened. Coons is obviously taking this race seriously, but he doesn’t seem scared. He hasn’t gone negative, and his closing message is mostly about his Joe Biden and Cory Booker endorsements.
A good night for Scarane is probably her beating fellow Delaware Senator Tom Carper’s 2018 challenger Kerri Evelyn Harris’s 29% margin of defeat, though cracking 40% isn’t out of the question. A win would be seriously improbable, but not to the point of being a rounding error, she’s no protest candidate. Scarane’s campaign has made good use of her tight budget—for instance, acting as their own ad agency to save the 15% agency fee for TV advertising, and leaning heavily on a volunteer workforce. Scarane says she needs 40,000 votes to beat Coons, which is probably wrong - there were 83,000 total votes in 2018 and over 60,000 have already been cast this year. 45,000-50,000 would be more reasonable. But it does go to show the small size of the electorate and the way a dedicated campaigner can make her mark without a lot of money, although again, much less so with the coronavirus.
SD-01 Part of Wilmington and Coast
Sarah McBride vs. Joseph McCole
This seat has been in the hands of Sen. Harris McDowell III since 1976, and his retirement presents a once-in-two-generations shot at this district. Still only two candidates have stepped forward to run for it.
The favorite is Sarah McBride, one of the country's most famous trans advocates. McBride made news in 2012 for publicly coming out as trans during her last week as American University’s student body president, spearheaded Delaware’s nondiscrimination law the next year, and then went to work for the White House and various Democratic and LGBTQ organizations, most prominently in her current job as the National Press Secretary of the Human Rights Campaign. While she does have plenty of local endorsements, her national personal profile has extended to her campaign as well, and she’s received support from Congressman Mark Pocan and Virginia Delegate Danica Roem, as well as the Human Rights Campaign, LGBTQ Victory Fund, and EMILY’s List. She’s running on a platform that’s mostly a mainstream liberal platform, which for Delaware is pretty good.
Her opponent is substitute Joseph McCole, who ran against McDowell in the 2016 primary and got a not terrible 29% of the vote. He’s a bit of a cypher, however. He’s raised very little money, if any at all, and one article described him as having “no active campaign”. It’s not a particularly competitive race; it’s mostly notable for McBride’s presence.
SD-13 Between New Castle and Newark
David McBride (i) vs. Marie Pinkney
Along with Harry McDowell III (above), who entered the Senate in 1976 and is retiring this year, David McBride, who entered the Senate in 1980, is a tie to the past of Democratic politics (the next longest tenure after those two dates back to 1990). McBride hasn’t been in a contested election of any kind for 34 years, longer than anyone else has even been in the Senate, and now represents a majority-minority (41% white, 39% Black, 11% Hispanic) district that may be geographically roughly what was first elected to, but resembles it little now. The now 78 year old Senator now has an opponent: Marie Pinkney, a Black social worker and foster mother who’s running as one of four slate legislative challengers who make an unofficial slate of sorts with the backing of the Working Families Party, Leftward Delaware, and Progressive Democrats for Delaware.
McBride has had money on his side - quite a lot of money, over $150,000 in a race that’s going to have five or six thousand voters. One of his donors has the particularly on-the-nose name of the “Health Executives Action League”. But McBride has been battling ugly headlines about his residency and the role he played in reinstating the whipping post as a form of (cruel, unusual, and racist) punishment, something that Pinkney has hit him on. Pinkney is fighting against a sea of money and without the months of in person campaigning that the coronavirus stopped, but the race is still going to be close. If she wins, it’s a very bad night for Delaware’s establishment.
SD-14 Smyrna and Southern New Castle County
Bruce Ennis (i) vs. Kyra Hoffner vs. Terrell Williams
Retired cop Bruce Ennis is the most moderate Democrat in the Senate, though that often veers into outright conservatism, such as his absurdly anti-gun control views and opposition to LGBTQ rights. He’s opposed just about every movement towards LGBTQ equality in the state, from civil unions in 2011, to gay marriage and anti-trans discrimination in 2013 to the conversion therapy ban in 2017. His gun control record is terrible, to the point where we can’t find any time he’s ever voted in favor of gun control, except for one instance where he blocked the legislation and gutted it first. He has not only an A+ from the NRA, but their endorsement and their money.
Unfortunately, he’s somewhat insulated from challengers for a few reasons. One is his district, a partially rural stretch of the state which went from 56-42 Obama in 2012 to 49-46 Clinton. There are probably some Trump voters in this primary, and even if there aren’t many, the overall political climate is more moderate than to the north. He also benefits from the presence of two competitors who will be splitting the progressive vote.
The first of those two candidates is Terrell Williams. Williams, a lawyer and (like many Delaware residents) ex-Philadelphian, is running on a progressive platform with many components, but his strongest emphasis has been on police reform. The second is Kyra Hoffner, who wrote mortgages for Wells Fargo until 2008 (eek), but has since then worked with marijuana legalization organizations, including with NORML. She’s also running on a progressive platform and even mentions Medicare for All. Hoffner has a bit more money and entered the race earlier, but the feeling is that Williams, who is Black, is just a better campaigner and can make a better case to the Black voters in the district, who compromise a significant plurality of the primary electorate. There’s a serious risk of Ennis surviving on a plurality here.
HD-04 North Wilmington and suburbs
Gerry Brady (i) vs. Amy Solomon
Gerry Brady is no one’s idea of a progressive, but unfortunately he’s obsessively dedicated to community engagement, to the point where he sends each registered voter in the district a personalized birthday card. Amy Solomon entered this race a few months ago and is doing her best, but expect her to get demolished. If she doesn’t, maybe we’ll see her in 2022.
HD-07 Northeast Philly suburbs
Raymond Seigfried (i) vs. Larry Lambert
Raymond Seigfried barely eked out a victory over Larry Lambert in the 2018 primary for what was then an open seat by a margin of 28.7% to 25.5%, just 86 votes; Lambert, a Black man from working-class Claymont, is back for a rematch with Seigfried, a white man from wealthier, whiter Arden. Lambert has the support of the Working Families Party, Democracy for America, and some local progressive groups, as well as the state teachers’ union, but Seigfried isn’t a conservative; he’s just sort of establishment. One point of contention between the two is an ACA marketplace reinsurance plan that Seigfreid authored. Through a complicated mechanism it lowered ACA premiums by about what it cost, and Lambert maintains that the money could have done more than just indirectly paying off a portion of premiums. Lambert wants a state Medicare buy-in. Without a strong affirmative reason to oust Seigfried, Lambert may be in for a tough race, but it’s going to be close.
HD-08 Middletown
Sherae'a Moore vs. Matthew Powell vs. Yvette Santiago
This open seat in the fairly left-leaning city of Middletown does not necessarily have a clear progressive option. The candidates all have similar priorities and the normal group that signal ideological allegiance, both good and bad, are staying out. Even labor unions are. Educator Sherae’a Moore was the only one to respond to the Planned Parenthood questionnaire and does have the endorsement of Delaware United, but that might just be a sign of her working harder for endorsements than her competition. Yvette Santiago supported Biden in the primary when it was a serious race, but it’s Delaware, so who knows if Powell or Moore did too. We’re the least trustful of Powell, whose website has a section on public safety but not police or criminal justice reform.
HD-10 Northeast state border
Sean Matthews (i) vs. Keith James
Sean Matthews recently went three bruising rounds with moderate incumbent Dennis Williams: a narrow loss in 2012, a narrow victory in 2014, and then an absolute blowout in 2016 when Williams tried to reclaim his seat. He’s also one of the most progressive members of the State House, so it’s tempting to wonder if Keith James is running on behalf of a bruised machine who wants their seat back, but it doesn’t seem like it. He mostly seems like an oddball, or, to put it more kindly, a character. James has a self-published book called From Dope to the White House: That's Impossible Isn't it? (Open Minded) (Volume 1). That title is not a joke; it references his personal struggles with addiction as an adolescent, as well as his stated plan to run for president in 2032. James was originally planning on a Wilmington mayoral run before switching to this race for unclear reasons. That race is a mess, it could have used someone like him. Instead we get a candidate who’s shaky on choice and wants cops in schools challenging one of the best members of the body. James started early and isn’t running a joke of a campaign, but Matthews is a good candidate and should clean up.
HD-26 South of Newark
John Viola (i) vs. Madinah Wilson-Anton (vs. Gabriel Adelagunja)
John Viola has been in office since 1998, and his district has changed a lot since his first election. Today, his district, located south of Newark, Delaware, is majority-minority and staunchly Democratic; when he first ran, he unseated a Republican incumbent. Madinah Wilson-Anton, a former Delaware state legislative staffer, is challenging him from the left, and she’s got a real shot. Like Scarane, Pinkney, and Lambert, she has the backing of the Working Families Party. Unlike many other challengers, Wilson-Anton has managed to raise real money for this race, close to $40,000. She’s still being outspent 2:1, but she’s not getting drowned out. She’s put a lot of focus on a Green New Deal for Delaware, something other progressive candidates have talked about, and has been supported by Jess Scarane and the broader progressive movement in the state this year, mostly in campaigning, but also with a bit of financial help early on. This is one of the biggest races of the night. A Wilson-Anton win would not only be a first in the legislature (she would be its first Muslim member) but would be a major defeat for the Delaware Way.
HD-27 South of Newark
Earl Jaques Jr. (i) vs. Eric Morrison
Earl Jaques Jr. is a social conservative who is facing his first challenger in a long time, and once it became clear he had a real opponent, his first thought was to go on the attack against his gay primary challenger Eric Morrison for being a drag performer; it’s no surprise that Morrison has consolidated the support of progressive groups (including the WFP, rounding out their slate of Delaware primary challengers.) Jaques finds it absurd that anyone would whine about his open homophobia, wondering if there’s even “room in my party for moderates like myself”.
That “moderation” also includes opposition to abortion rights and support of the death penalty. Social conservatives lost big in Rhode Island’s primaries last week; here’s hoping they add another loss to the tally. It’s not just social conservatism with Jaques, he’s also extremely pro-school privatization, to the point where he’s getting awards for it. Jaques has also gone after Morrison for being a bit of a social media troll. One mailer even takes a conversation on Facebook, where he tells someone to stop complaining about the Bernie or Bust movement in 2018, as him being pro-Trump. It’s been an extremely ugly race, but Morrison looks like he’s in decent shape.
New Castle County Executive
Matt Meyer (i) vs. Maggie Jones
New Castle County Executive Matt Meyer is being opposed by conservative Democrat Maggie Jones, the proud choice of police unions. Police unions are unhappy with Meyer’s professed support for the Black Lives Matter movement and his unwillingness to gut public goods, like libraries, to fund more police activity. Jones winning would be very bad; New Castle County Executive is a springboard to higher office (a majority of Delawareans reside in the county.) The last thing we need is a police union puppet in Congress or the governorship.
New Castle County Council President
Karen Hartley-Nagle (i) vs. Monique Johns vs. Ciro Poppiti
Okay so we’ve got the anti-tax crusader incumbent who’s somehow managed to piss off the entire council and is constantly playing hot potato with controversies about her tenure, the FOP-endorsed candidate (impressive, considering how ludicrously pro-cop Hartley-Nagle is) who is best known for an embarrassing disaster of a state rep campaign in 2018 that involved her stealing her opponent’s campaign lit, and Ciro Poppiti, who is wallpaper. Well, we guess, wallpaper it is. Poppiti is the county’s Register of Wills and lost a crowded 2016 Lt. Governor primary by a pretty decent 30% to 22% in New Castle County. He has also outspent the competition and is clearly making them nervous. We’re even tempted to call him the frontrunner.
New Castle County Clerk of the Peace
Ajawavi “Aja” Ajavon vs. Lisa Darrah
Clerk of the Peace is one of those useless county offices that old states still have because they never got rid of them. Clerks of the Peace mostly handle marriage and name change documents, there’s not much else to it. But it is a county-wide office, and thus can advance the career of who holds it. Ciro Poppiti (see above) currently holds the nearly-as-unnecessary position of Register of Wills.
As for the candidates, Aja Ajavon seems fine. We’re mostly hoping to avoid Lisa Darrah, who is the choice of not just the cop union but also of the Potter machine. The Potter machine is a whole big deal in Wilmington, but the basic idea of what you need to know about them is that the current Wilmington mayor who was basically elected by Republicans is being challenged by a Potter and we didn’t write that race up because we honestly couldn’t tell who was better and it just depressed us. So since Aja is the non-Republican, non-Potter choice in this race, and thanks to help from labor unions and other non-Potter forces in the county, she should be on her way to victory.
Wilmington City Council District 1
Linda Gray (i) vs. Coby Owens vs. Albert Mills
Wilmington City Council isn’t the most small potatoes race out there, but it’s not large potatoes. As one of 13 members in a Council for a city of 70,000, this is a decidedly local position. But just about every progressive politician and group in the state, and some outside of the state, have gotten behind Coby Owens (who has some form of relation to the Owens family of former New York Congressman Major Owens). Colby has clearly been singled out as a progressive rising star, something Delaware desperately needs more of. So let’s hope he unseats the appointed incumbent.
So that’s the last primary of the year, huh? Wild. We’ll have more to say about what that means for Primaries for Progress in the next regularly scheduled issue, but for now… wow that’s pretty crazy isn’t it?

It's not the *last* primary of the year. Louisiana has theirs on Election Day!*
For everything but President. Their Election Day is a month later for non-Presidential races.