7/14 Primary Preview
Texas and Maine have elections ending today
Texas Runoffs
Texas’s primary was in March, but all races where no candidate reached 50% of the vote have runoffs today.
Travis County DA
Margaret Moore (i) vs. José Garza
Like many DAs across the country, Margaret Moore--though she was first elected in 2016--is from a past era of criminal justice policy. Voters across the country have shown a remarkable willingness to fire incumbent DAs for overly punitive tactics; as federal and state actions to end mass incarceration are slow and watered down, voters have taken matters into their own hands. José Garza, a former public defender who is the executive director of the Workers Defense Project, is vying to make Austin the latest city to turn the page on the “tough on crime” era.
His platform includes ending cash bail, declining to prosecute all drug possession charges of a gram or less, ending the death penalty, aggressively investigating violent cops, and targeting public corruption. Garza finished ahead of Moore in the March 3 primary, but a third candidate, Erin Martinson, prevented him from getting a majority; she has since endorsed him. Aside from Martinson, Garza’s prominent supporters include Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Julián Castro, Rep. Joaquín Castro, the Working Families Party, and the Austin chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, of which he is a member.
Travis County Attorney
Delia Garza vs. Laurie Eiserloh
Austin City Council President Delia Garza was not the furthest left candidate in this race--that was defense attorney and DSA member Nic Selvera, who was eliminated in the March primary. She is, however, the best candidate remaining; the county attorney prosecutes misdemeanor offenses and represents public officials in lawsuits, so the office holds a lot of power. Eiserloh has the backing of outgoing incumbent David Escamilla; Garza has the backing of Selvera and local activists. Eiserloh finished ahead of Garza in March.
TX-SD-14 special
Sarah Eckhardt vs. Eddie Rodriguez vs. various non-Democrats
This is the only non-runoff race today - it’s a special election scheduled to coincide with all the other voting already happening. State legislative special elections in Texas are conducted as jungle primaries, with all candidates appearing on one ballot and the top two advancing to a runoff regardless of party, unless one candidate gets a majority. However, a Democrat will surely win the special election to succeed state Sen. Kirk Watson; it’s just a question of which one, and whether they’ll win outright (unlikely, but possible.)
Sarah Eckhardt is—well, was—Travis County Judge, a position equivalent to a county executive. She is also the more moderate of the two Democrats; in addition, she is generally terrible. She resigned to run for state senate—announcing her resignation at the same meeting at which Travis County’s government declared a state of emergency in response to COVID-19. It is perhaps less than ideal for one of Texas’s largest counties to have an entirely unnecessary upheaval in county government in the middle of a pandemic, and boy do we wish that was the worst thing about Eckhardt. But she also chose to take federal funds to jail undocumented immigrants and supported multiple prison contracts, including one with notorious private prison company Southwest Key. To top it all off, she started her campaign by violating campaign finance laws.
The other Democrat in the race, state Rep. Eddie Rodriguez, is a solid progressive with support from his state House colleagues, labor unions, and local progressive groups. Instead of building new jails, Rodriguez wants to end cash bail; instead of jailing undocumented immigrants, Rodriguez wants to make Texas a safe and welcoming place for immigrants without the threat of ICE raids or discriminatory state policies. Root for Rodriguez, expect a runoff.
TX-SD-27
Eddie Lucio Jr. (i) vs. Sara Stapleton-Barrera
Eddie Lucio Jr. won his first election (for Cameron County Treasurer) all the way back in 1970. Twenty years later, he was elected to the state senate, where he’s been ever since. Lucio is not just one of the most conservative Democrats in Texas (yes, even more so than Cuellar), he’s one of the most conservative Democrats elected to state office anywhere in the country. His Republican beliefs on issues such as tort reform would be bad enough, but his reactionary social views are what make him stand out. As we said last year:
He wrote a “shell bill” to try and to stop gay marriages from happening in the state ahead of the Obergefell v. Hodges decision in 2015, the same year he also fought to allow discrimination against gay couples in adoption. In 2017, he was the only Democratic vote for Texas’s North Carolina-style “bathroom bill” to make it illegal for trans residents to use the bathroom of their gender, and came out in support of it before multiple Republicans. Just a few months ago he was the only Democrat to vote to allow religiously motivated discrimination and force San Antonio to allow discriminatory businesses in their airport (the Chick-Fil-A bill). He also doesn’t believe in the separation of church and state and has an extremist anti-choice record that includes voting for SB 5, the bill Sen. Wendy Davis is now famous for filibustering.
Lucio picked up two opponents this year, State Board of Education member Ruben Cortez, and lawyer Sara Stapleton-Barrera (who isn’t a total political neophyte - her father ran the Cameron County Democratic Party.) Cortez, who already represented all of the district, and had labor support, seemed like the stronger challenger of the two, but Stapleton-Barrera finished far ahead of him in the first round of the primary, which saw Lucio come only .2% short of winning outright.
Stapleton-Barrera’s platform includes the Green New Deal, a pointed opposition to immigration detention centers (Lucio personally profits from the private prison industry) and the militarized border, along with the otherwise-standard support of LGBTQ and abortion rights. Stapleton-Barrera, now that she’s in the runoff, has been endorsed by a variety of progressive groups, and has gotten direct help from the Human Rights Campaign and Planned Parenthood, although PP’s ad campaign has leaned heavily around a nickname some local activists have been using for him for a years now, “Sucio Lucio”, which hasn’t gone over well. “Sucio”, literally “dirty”, is an insult that carries a few connotations with it, and we don’t really have the cultural experience to speak with any certainty here, but what’s been said by Lucio and some of his allies is that some of those connotations are racialized, as in there’s a sort of implied “Mexican” after “dirty”. Lucio and some politicians from the district have said they see this ad campaign as a dogwhistle.
This race is hard to gauge a favorite of. Lucio has the lead in money, is bolstered by the Koch Brothers and other interests he’s helped out through the years, and got within inches of a majority in March. But in that time Stapleton Barrera has only become better known - Senate districts are larger in Texas than Congressional districts, so building name recognition takes time and money. Early voting and mail ballot turnout is down from the first round of the runoff despite the pandemic, as well, by over 20%, so it’s likely going to be a much smaller electorate—something that will probably benefit Lucio, though it’s hard to say. Overall, Lucio’s probably a bit of a favorite here, but as Jessica Cisneros demonstrated, politicians like him don’t have a free ticket to re-election.
TX-HD-100
Lorraine Birabil (i) vs. Jasmine Crockett
Lorraine Birabil first won this district in the blissful, pre-pandemic era known as “January”. It was a closely contested special election with 5 candidates, though she easily won the runoff 66-34 after taking only 33% in the first round. In the March primary, she faced all of her special election opponents again, but when she got 29% of the vote, she was sent into a runoff not with any of them, but with defense and civil rights attorney Jasmine Crockett. Crockett is running on a progressive platform, and has the support of a handful of local officials, along with progressive groups in the city such as Sunrise Dallas and the Working Families Party. Birabil is the establishment choice here, and infuriatingly the Dallas Morning News endorsed her because Crockett was “more progressive than most District 100 residents”.
TX-HD-119
Liz Campos vs. Jennifer Ramos
This race is a rematch of a particularly ugly 2011 San Antonio City Council election, where Liz Campos, a former state house aide, and Jennifer Ramos, then an incumbent San Antonio City Councilor, fought over each other’s personal integrity and political intentions, rather than policy. This does not appear to be much different, and honestly we don’t care too much who wins.
TX-HD-142
Harold Dutton (i) vs. Jerry Davis
Harold Dutton has represented this majority-Black district since 1985. But it’s only recently that he’s emerged as a major roadblock to criminal justice reform, though that may be because of incompetence on his part - he’s long been an opponent of the death penalty. But the reason he’s in trouble right now is the state takeover of Houston schools. He has not approached his sudden runoff with grace. He’s hired a private investigator to look into a candidate who had no campaign presence, but who received over 20% of the vote, likely due to her Hispanic surname, and forced him into a runoff. His opponent, Jerry Davis, a Houston City Councilor who only got about half of what Dutton did in the preliminary round, has the support of Texas labor, but faces an uphill challenge.
TX-HD-148
Anna Eastman (i) vs. Penny Morales Shaw
Anna Eastman was elected in a crowded special election back in November. Despite getting less than 30% of the Democratic vote, special elections in Texas are done by jungle primary ballot, and the second place finisher was a Republican in this very Democratic district. It was a huge win for charter schools, who funded most of her campaign. This is her first real Democratic primary, and every progressive in Houston is trying to stop her. They’ve lined up behind Penny Shaw, a strong supporter of public schools. Eastman came out of the first round in very good shape—42% to Shaw’s 22%—but a Shaw upset is very possible.
ME-SD-09
Joe Baldacci vs. Victoria Kornfield
State Rep. Victoria Kornfield and Bangor City Councilor Joe Baldacci are vying for an open state Senate seat in Bangor. Abortion rights groups and EMILY’s List back Kornfield, while local labor unions back Baldacci, the brother of former Gov. John Baldacci.
ME-SD-11
Glenn Curry vs. Charles Pattavina vs. Robyn Stanicki
University of Maine administrator Glenn Curry, doctor Charles Pattavina, and nurse/activist Robyn Stanicki are facing off for the Democratic nomination for an open Senate seat coterminous with Waldo County, a rural, light-blue coastal county centered on the town of Belfast. Curry and Pattavina make few policy commitments, while Stanicki touts past work to establish child poverty programs and has the endorsement of progressive groups such as the Sierra Club and Democracy for America. Stanicki, who uses both she/her and they/them pronouns, would be one of the country’s first non-binary state legislators. (Mauree Turner, who also uses both she/her and they/them pronouns, unseated Oklahoma state Rep. Jason Dunnington in the Democratic primary for a safely Democratic seat in Oklahoma City two weeks ago. Like Stanicki, Turner ran to the left of her opponent.)
ME-SD-24
Mattie Daughtry vs. Stan Gerzofsky
Stan Gerzofsky represented this district from 2008 to 2016, when he was term-limited. State Rep. Matthea “Mattie” Daughtry, his only opponent, has the support of everyone from labor unions and local Sunrise chapters to the Maine Association of Realtors; it seems that nobody in Maine politics is too interested in a Gerzofsky comeback.
ME-SD-29
Anne Carney vs. Sari Greene vs. Eben Rose
State Rep. Anne Carney seems like a clear best choice here; businesswoman Sari Greene is very vague about everything, and former city councilor Eben Rose is running what seems like a single-issue climate campaign—yet was still ranked last by Maine’s Sierra Club.
State House
Maine isn’t quite the worst about this, but they score pretty highly on the Dear-God-Reduce-Your-Chamber-Size-O-Meter. They have 150 members in their State House. 150. They represent fewer than 9,000 people each. Primary elections rarely get close to 1,000 votes. We will try to be brief for most of these.
ME-HD-04
Patricia Hymanson (i) vs. Mark Despres
We’re no fans of Hymanson, who has a shaky record on labor issues, but her opponent, Mark Despres is a recent arrival to the state who seems mostly concerned with overbearing small business regulations, and does not seem like an upgrade
ME-HD-09
Gia Drew vs. Traci Gere
Gia Drew would be the first transgender state legislator in Maine, which is very cool, and she seems at least willing to use progressive rhetoric, while Gere is a business owner without much notable about her. A Drew win would be cool here.
ME-HD-30
Rebecca Millett vs. Kimberly Monaghan
This race has two powerhouse candidates: 2011-2017 state Rep. for this district Kimberly Monaghan, and termed-out state senator Rebecca Millet. While Millet has long been a champion of labor, Monaghan’s reticence to move the minimum wage above $8.50 in 2014 is a red flag in an otherwise not-terrible career.
ME-HD-35
Suzanne Salisbury vs. James Violette
There aren’t clear differences between Salisbury and Violette, both Westbrook school board members; there’s not much clear about them, period.
ME-HD-37
James Cloutier vs. Grayson Lookner
Maine, the state with the nation’s oldest population, has an unfortunate dearth of young politicians. This race has an age gap of 30 years, with former Bernie campaign staffer Grayson Lookner running against 22-year moderate municipal politician James Cloutier.
ME-HD-38
Michael Flaherty vs. Charles Skold vs. Barb Wood
Charles Skold, Michael Flaherty, and Barb Wood are mostly separated by their issue prioritization; Skold and Wood are focused on climate change, while Flaherty is focused on criminal justice reform. Wood was the first out LGBTQ official in Maine, during her single term on the Portland City Council, in 1988-1991. Skold, a former Warren volunteer, has the endorsement of local climate organizations and the Maine People’s Alliance, a progressive organization that is an affiliate of the Center for Popular Democracy. Skold seems like the best choice here.
ME-HD-41
Laurie Davis vs. Benjamin Grant vs. Samuel Zager
Benjamin Grant, the former Maine Democratic Party Chair, would be the boring establishment choice in most states, but Maine Democrats are one of the few institutionally progressive parties in the country, and Grant is a labor lawyer who strongly supports single payer and worker rights. He’s the frontrunner and the best candidate in the race.
ME-HD-43
Ed Crockett (i) vs. Bob Mentzinger
Local activist Bob Mentzinger is running a very…#Resistance-y campaign, for lack of a better way to describe it, for a deep blue Portland seat. But he’s going after incumbent Ed Crockett from the left, so we’ll take it.
ME-HD-47
Heather Abbott vs. Arthur Bell vs. Peter Fromuth
While Arthur Bell seems like a minor candidate (yes, even by the standards of Maine), and Heather Abbott and Peter Fromuth are both running solid, environmentally focused campaigns, Bell has the best rating from the Maine Sierra Club. Abbott, who has been endorsed by the recently formed progressive coalition Renew New England, has a more comprehensive platform and seems like the best candidate.
ME-HD-48
Kathryn Biberstein vs. Melanie Sachs
Former Freeport Town Councilor Melanie Sachs and current non-profit director Kathryn Biberstein are running on similar platforms, neither of which is all that progressive, although Biberstein is more environmentally focused. Sachs, who has the support of a handful of politicians, seems like the more establishment choice.
ME-HD-49
Poppy Arford vs. Corinne Perreault vs. Kathy Wilson
Corinne Perreault, a single payer advocate and across-the-board progressive, is running against two former Brunswick Town Councilors who don’t match her on the issues.
ME-HD-81
Tavis Hasenfus vs. Joanne Mason
Tavis Hasenfus, a young lawyer, is the annoying kind of bringing-back-civility candidate that never seem to want to do anything when they’re in office. Unfortunately, his opponent is Joanne Mason, wife of the Kennebec County sheriff, who has a very Blue Lives Matter-type social media presence, so: go Hasenfus, we guess.
ME-HD-90
Lydia Crafts vs. David Levesque vs. Wendy Pieh
Wendy Pieh, a former anti-apartheid activist, and a state representative until 2010, is running for her old seat. Lydia Crafts, a social worker, is running to fight climate change. David Levesque, the President of the Maine Bar Association, is running to improve Maine’s education system. They all have great platforms and we don’t see any clear choice here.
ME-HD-123
Meghan Gardner vs. Laurie Osher
Both candidates are Orono city councilors; Osher, who has the support of Our Revolution and the LGBT Victory Fund, is favorably compared to AOC on her website, which is never a bad sign.
ME-HD-125
Ken Huhn vs. Amy Roeder
Roeder, an adjunct professor at the University of Maine, is supported by the Maine AFL-CIO, Renew New England, and the Maine People’s Alliance. She seems like the best choice. Huhn, a local healthcare administrator, has little online presence.
ME-HD-126
Laura Supica vs. Michael Sutton
Laura Supica, a Bangor city councilor, seems like a strong favorite here. Supica, a bartender and retail worker, will bring a working-class perspective to the state capitol, which is very much needed.
ME-HD-134
Genevieve McDonald (i) vs. Julie Eaton
There isn’t any clear ideological divide in this race. There’s something clearly uniting the two candidates, though: both are lobster boat captains. Welcome to Maine.
